American Exceptionalism
The concept of American exceptionalism splits its meaning in two divergent patterns. To a significant majority of politicians, primarily, American exceptionalism is a term that denotes praise and as such, America when weighed against other nations is exceptionally good, ideally, the shinning city on the hill, and the last speckle of hope. But this definition limits itself within the confines of politicians as social scientists and political philosophers have a different perspective with regard to American exceptionalism. To the latter described group of scholars, this concept brings with it a problem of intellect. As such they question the divergent tendency that characterizes America when weighed against other developed democracies that have been fanned by the industrial revolution (Lind Para 1).
The exceptionality that characterizes America, traces its roots back to founders like Robert Yates. The American constitution that was structured at a convention in Philadelphia recommended creation of an immensely powerful federal government that America had had under confederation articles. So as to become the unions supreme law it required ratification by four of the federations largest states, that is, Massachusetts and New York as well as Pennsylvania and Virginia of which their exclusion from the union rendered it incomplete both economically and politically as well as geographically. The onset of the discussion on the unions constitution was also the beginning of sporadic controversy within the public sphere in the last years of the 18th century, primarily, September 1787 (78). Critics of the new proposed constitution wrote essays that exemplified reasons for the defeat of the new constitution. Such essays appeared in periodicals in New York under the brand name Brutus, a pseudonym that was derived from the Roman patriot, who brutally murdered Caesar when the latter had assumed dictatorial powers. In the American context, Brutus was primarily Robert Yates, a delegate from New York, who represented the state in the Constitutional Convention. Yates (1738-1801) had abandoned the process as he varied in view with it because it did not yield to his demand for reduced powers but on the contrary granted immense powers to the national government.
When this ensuing discussion is rallied against other political practices of the now industrialized economies in Europe like France, where the aristocracy did not allow the proletariat to further their view and thus share in the power of the state, America comes about as an exceptional case, because its citizenry was granted liberty to practice its own thought without fear as witnessed for the case of Yates. This is the basis US exceptionalism.
George Washington wrote that America had to good an opinion of the nature of humanity in the formation of the federation. According to him, experience had taught America that men were not likely to embrace and execute measures that had been formulated for mans own good and as such coercive force was inevitable. This called for a power that pervaded the entire union in an energetic manner comparable to the power exuded by an array of states that formed the confederation. The exceptionality of America was its refusal to be fearful of vesting Congress, a body that comprised ample authorities that catered for the interests of the nation, and as such, fear came across as the helm of popular absurdity as well as madness. America, unlike other developed industrialized nations, granted power to the central federal government without fear as according to Washington, it was simply not feasible for Congress to exercise these powers to the American publics detriment without destroying the members that constituted congressmens political careers in historic proportions. This was because the interests of congressmen were inextricably bound to those of their constituents and as such going contrary to these interests was self destructive. As such the congress men would invoke these powers with timidity and in-effectiveness out of the panic of being defeated in consequent elections in addition to their waned popularity and cultivated fame. The exceptionalism of America according to Washington was the tendency that characterized its congress whereupon its members were called upon to invoke supplication and humility in their tone when requesting given applications from the compact majority yet in this given instances they had liberty to act as they wanted and as such, assume imperial dignity commanding obedience.
At the birth of the nation, with the inherent opposition from writers like Brutus in addition to a significant majority of Americans, new constitution proponents required strategies for political practice. One aspect that the proponents direly needed was speed. In Pennsylvania the proponents formulated the constitutional ratification through demanding a convention to quickly ratify the constitution which primarily could exclude western partners from attending the process and thus excluding their views. Another Strategy was the printed word. To shore up support for constitutional ratification James Madison (1751-1836) as well as Alexander Hamilton and John Jay wrote many pieces for periodicals in New York. These constituted The Federalist Papers which ideally argued in favor for new constitutional adoption and were also reproduced in other states. Reproduction of these essays in other states in itself constitutes American Exceptionalism by imbuing the concept of minding your neighbor at whatever cost. In The Federalist Number ten James Madison responded to opposition of the federal system with his argument that a central United States government was bound to be dictatorial as opposed to the ideal republican state. According to Madison such a central establishment was bound to disintegrate into factions. In the fifty fourth issue of the periodical Madison argued that the problem of the results of the convention in Philadelphia was its model of solving the underlying problems through compromise. The exceptionalism of the American constitution in the time of its finding is its tendency to disintegrate and thus take charge of factional violence (83). More importantly Americas exceptionalism is its ability to foster an environment where individuals exercise their views and promote them to others as witnessed in the case of Madison without fear.
One aspect that seems deeply embedded in the American grain is the concept of invoking God by its succeeding presidents. Zinn writes that George Bush is an exceptional case (Zinn Para 7). An article in an Israeli periodical, Haaretz, noted that former President Bush was quoted saying that it was by Gods command that he had wedged a war with the terrorist al Qaeda group. Bush went on to say that he was also inspired by God to strike at Saddam Hussein, the former dictator of Iraq, and it was with the same instruction from god that he was determined to solve the problem in the Middle East. Zinn notes that divine intervention is particularly dangerous and ironical in the American context especially bearing in mind the fact that America has ten thousand nuclear weapons in addition to an array of nuclear bases in more than a hundred different nationalities. Zinns notion of danger in Americas invocation of God stems from the fact that with such as the backdrop against which reason for action is based, mans own interpretation of morality reels fruitlessly against the United States. It therefore follows that America offends other nations by exceptionally putting God on its side.
The exceptionality that characterizes America, traces its roots back to founders like Robert Yates. The American constitution that was structured at a convention in Philadelphia recommended creation of an immensely powerful federal government that America had had under confederation articles. So as to become the unions supreme law it required ratification by four of the federations largest states, that is, Massachusetts and New York as well as Pennsylvania and Virginia of which their exclusion from the union rendered it incomplete both economically and politically as well as geographically. The onset of the discussion on the unions constitution was also the beginning of sporadic controversy within the public sphere in the last years of the 18th century, primarily, September 1787 (78). Critics of the new proposed constitution wrote essays that exemplified reasons for the defeat of the new constitution. Such essays appeared in periodicals in New York under the brand name Brutus, a pseudonym that was derived from the Roman patriot, who brutally murdered Caesar when the latter had assumed dictatorial powers. In the American context, Brutus was primarily Robert Yates, a delegate from New York, who represented the state in the Constitutional Convention. Yates (1738-1801) had abandoned the process as he varied in view with it because it did not yield to his demand for reduced powers but on the contrary granted immense powers to the national government.
When this ensuing discussion is rallied against other political practices of the now industrialized economies in Europe like France, where the aristocracy did not allow the proletariat to further their view and thus share in the power of the state, America comes about as an exceptional case, because its citizenry was granted liberty to practice its own thought without fear as witnessed for the case of Yates. This is the basis US exceptionalism.
George Washington wrote that America had to good an opinion of the nature of humanity in the formation of the federation. According to him, experience had taught America that men were not likely to embrace and execute measures that had been formulated for mans own good and as such coercive force was inevitable. This called for a power that pervaded the entire union in an energetic manner comparable to the power exuded by an array of states that formed the confederation. The exceptionality of America was its refusal to be fearful of vesting Congress, a body that comprised ample authorities that catered for the interests of the nation, and as such, fear came across as the helm of popular absurdity as well as madness. America, unlike other developed industrialized nations, granted power to the central federal government without fear as according to Washington, it was simply not feasible for Congress to exercise these powers to the American publics detriment without destroying the members that constituted congressmens political careers in historic proportions. This was because the interests of congressmen were inextricably bound to those of their constituents and as such going contrary to these interests was self destructive. As such the congress men would invoke these powers with timidity and in-effectiveness out of the panic of being defeated in consequent elections in addition to their waned popularity and cultivated fame. The exceptionalism of America according to Washington was the tendency that characterized its congress whereupon its members were called upon to invoke supplication and humility in their tone when requesting given applications from the compact majority yet in this given instances they had liberty to act as they wanted and as such, assume imperial dignity commanding obedience.
At the birth of the nation, with the inherent opposition from writers like Brutus in addition to a significant majority of Americans, new constitution proponents required strategies for political practice. One aspect that the proponents direly needed was speed. In Pennsylvania the proponents formulated the constitutional ratification through demanding a convention to quickly ratify the constitution which primarily could exclude western partners from attending the process and thus excluding their views. Another Strategy was the printed word. To shore up support for constitutional ratification James Madison (1751-1836) as well as Alexander Hamilton and John Jay wrote many pieces for periodicals in New York. These constituted The Federalist Papers which ideally argued in favor for new constitutional adoption and were also reproduced in other states. Reproduction of these essays in other states in itself constitutes American Exceptionalism by imbuing the concept of minding your neighbor at whatever cost. In The Federalist Number ten James Madison responded to opposition of the federal system with his argument that a central United States government was bound to be dictatorial as opposed to the ideal republican state. According to Madison such a central establishment was bound to disintegrate into factions. In the fifty fourth issue of the periodical Madison argued that the problem of the results of the convention in Philadelphia was its model of solving the underlying problems through compromise. The exceptionalism of the American constitution in the time of its finding is its tendency to disintegrate and thus take charge of factional violence (83). More importantly Americas exceptionalism is its ability to foster an environment where individuals exercise their views and promote them to others as witnessed in the case of Madison without fear.
One aspect that seems deeply embedded in the American grain is the concept of invoking God by its succeeding presidents. Zinn writes that George Bush is an exceptional case (Zinn Para 7). An article in an Israeli periodical, Haaretz, noted that former President Bush was quoted saying that it was by Gods command that he had wedged a war with the terrorist al Qaeda group. Bush went on to say that he was also inspired by God to strike at Saddam Hussein, the former dictator of Iraq, and it was with the same instruction from god that he was determined to solve the problem in the Middle East. Zinn notes that divine intervention is particularly dangerous and ironical in the American context especially bearing in mind the fact that America has ten thousand nuclear weapons in addition to an array of nuclear bases in more than a hundred different nationalities. Zinns notion of danger in Americas invocation of God stems from the fact that with such as the backdrop against which reason for action is based, mans own interpretation of morality reels fruitlessly against the United States. It therefore follows that America offends other nations by exceptionally putting God on its side.
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